The Good Friday Agreement Fenton

Disciplined in the clichés, she omits Arlene Foster`s crocodile. When she recounts the draft debacle of the treaty last February, she nevertheless manages to sum up the unequal treatment of a restored Stormont for the foreseeable future. When it became clear that an agreement depended on compromise” “party politicians like Arlene Foster were able to digest it, but the base, which had been fed by a regime of violent anti-Irish rhetoric, were not. The DUP was simply too upset to stage a dignified descent. This agreement resulted in a new government that would share power between the Unionists and the nationalists. Siobhan Fenton, a political writer and adviser to Belfast-based Sinn Fein, tweeted about the latest policy news – namely that the Conservative government has admitted it will abdicate the Northern Ireland protocol contained in the Brexit withdrawal agreement. It regrets that the agreement has not put in place structures to deal with the unresolved unrest and the horrors of the disappeared. But LGBT and reproductive rights, for example, were not on the agenda at the time. She notes strongly that “the rights of women and the LGBT community continue to be marginalized, often as a result of decisions taken in Stormont.” The DUP uses the “concern petition” of the agreement on blocking same-sex marriage, which is a mechanism to protect vulnerable and marginalized groups.

. it is often a tool of oppression today. “Failure to abide by previous agreements would fundamentally erode its credibility in international diplomacy – how could a country trust them? What Fenton explained never happened, because it is “unfortunately not so insolent” … Although their initial response seemed good enough for us. Siobhén Fenton has tweeted his reaction to the news that the UK government intends to violate international law by cancelling the Northern Ireland protocol contained in the Brexit withdrawal agreement. A timely analysis of how political policy in Northern Ireland has gone wrong, particularly in the years leading up to and after the Brexit referendum. There are few places where an author has brought together so many of the most sensitive subjects in such a comprehensive way – and this in an even more concise way. Like almost everyone in this place, my feelings towards my home country are complex. If I grew up in Northern Ireland, it is one thing to be careful about blind national pride, because it has the potential to be a harmful and toxic thing, with a disturbing ability to dehumanize those who are seen as outside our national identity. Therefore, I will not describe my feelings towards the place as a feeling of love or duty in itself, but perhaps a complex mixture of responsibility, affection and tenderness towards this extremely unusual place, which has suffered so much.

This book does not seek to be partisan when it comes to advancing the views or agenda of a party or a “page.” But it will, of course, be deeply political, because life in Northern Ireland, which has an implacable way of politicizing the quotidian, is very different from what is happening elsewhere in the world. The only political attitude I would like to put forward is that the peace process in Northern Ireland is far from being resolved and that progress in the region has been hampered by the lack of willingness, both locally and internationally, to directly consider the type of peace we have, what it is based and where it is going.