As part of the deal reached with May, the DUP agreed to “fully respect” its commitments in the Good Friday agreement, but the agreement does not contain benchmarks for what should include support. 16 As a form of non-majority democracy, the aim of the power-sharing institutions, created after 1998 in Northern Ireland, was to allow representatives of each community to integrate into local decision-making institutions without giving the majority excessive powers.19 For this reason, these institutions stick to a series of four rigid principles and guarantees: government by a grand coalition, mutual veto, proportionality and autonomy of the segment. Voters in Northern Ireland choose their MLAs according to a non-majority system, the single transferable Vote (STV). Members of the Northern Ireland Assembly are registered as unionist, nationalist or Other. Ministerial posts within the executive are distributed in a strictly proportional manner according to the distribution of seats by the parties in the Assembly according to the D`Hondt method, so that each community has a certain number of ministerial posts proportional to the influence of its group and parties in the Assembly. In Concern`s petition procedure, each nominating group in the Assembly has the power to block any legislative act, making it mandatory to vote on a bill by a weighted majority of at least 60% of mlAs, including 40% in each nomination group, which amounts to a mutual veto. It is estimated that there are 72 metres of road crossings per year between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, and about 14% of these crossings are consignments of goods, some of which may cross the border several times before reaching a consumer. Brexiteers say this can be managed by controlling goods across the border, but critics say it will be difficult to monitor this without physical infrastructure such as border posts or cameras, which could increase tension in Ireland`s divided communities. Both views were recognized as legitimate. For the first time, the Irish Government has accepted, in a binding international agreement, that Northern Ireland should be part of the United Kingdom.  The Irish Constitution has also been amended to implicitly recognise Northern Ireland as part of the sovereign territory of the United Kingdom, provided that a majority of the population of the island`s two jurisdictions accepts a united Ireland.
On the other hand, the language of the agreement reflects a change in the legal emphasis placed by the United Kingdom from one for the Union to another for a united Ireland.  The agreement therefore left the question of future sovereignty over Northern Ireland indefinitely.  The agreement has little concrete to say about the border rules between Northern Ireland and Ireland – an important sore point in the tortuous Brexit process. . . .